Thursday, November 6, 2014

Stockholm: Liveability and Public Space


This is a typical park square in densely populated Sodermalm, Stockholm. It is surrounded by four or five stories of housing. I was taken by these parks, their regular disposition through the city, their retention of natural landscape features of granite surfaces smoothed by glacial action, the casual presence of a heritage building (in this case a church), the presence of sculpture, incorporation of places to sit and walk for elderly locals, and integration with playgrounds and play equipment for pre-school children.

This is a google streetview image of the local streetscape looking North.
The same park from the same viewpoint, looking west.  What I was struck by was the way Stockholm's planners provided for green space throughout the city fabric distinct from squares and other less green public spaces, and by the deliberate attention to the needs of different parts of the community. The rest of this blog posting considers the findings of recent investigations carried out by Stockholm planning researchers.

The importance of green spaces to the wellbeing of people in the city and the ecological values they carry are widely recognised in the field of urban and regional planning - internationally. At the same time vast open spaces can also be a challenge to planners since they provide an obstacle for an integrated urban development - because they can separate copmmunities. In light of the expected population growth and expanding urbanisation of the city (in Auckland - and in many western cities) the desire to build a dense and compact urban form to avoid sprawl requires a new vision for how green spaces should be treated. Integrating the social values of meeting places in the public spaces and the ecological values are paramount in this development. Various researchers have investigated this conflict, looking for solutions for a new integrated way of thinking that address the uses and values of green spaces in the city. Research findings suggest that accessibility to this public space is paramount and must be improved to provide an environment for social interaction.

The public square, as investigated by Zukin, Jacobs and others, has the primary function of bringing citizens together in the urban arena.

Green spaces in Sweden and other Nordic countries play a significant role in the planning process, more so than in continental Europe where cities and regions are generally more densely developed. The strong identification with nature is manifested in the Swedish Right to Public Access (Allemansrätten) which is a law that entitles anyone the right to access public land, meaning that land can be owned but is not private. Consequently there is a vast literature in Swedish that has discussed the use values of green areas, first and foremost by Ulla Berglund and Patrik Grahn. As Grahn points out, people have a physical and psychological need for green space, allowing not only for outdoor activities but also for spontaneous public contact while Berglund and Jergeby assess that in Sweden green spaces are generally the most popular places of social contact, casual encounters and meetings (places to walk the dog). Furthermore, findings from their research conclude that people define the city or the town not only as the built-up area but also include everyday spaces such as forests, the outdoors, and green spaces.

Due to these social and ecological values, Grahn and Sorte (1985) put forward the argument that a fair assessment and evaluation of how green spaces are used before designing parks and exploiting the landscape is necessary. One important aspect to consider is how different groups take advantage of open green spaces as certain age groups use parks in different ways at different times. In Grahn and Sorte’s study on how different groups use greenery the authors find that nature-style parks are generally the most popular amongst all groups, while more generally a higher need for a dense network of city parks in bigger towns is necessary to avoid long distances and promote healthier lifestyles. This would be beneficial especially to physically disadvantaged groups such as the elderly or the disabled.

Zukin criticises the exclusion of certain groups in public space. Safety plays an important role in this discussions, and the empirical findings show that safety is a major concern for residents. To allow for a safer environment all population groups have to be considered to avoid conflict. Meeting places and attractors should thus serve children, teenagers, families and elderly and allow for diverse uses. These could include a swimming pool, a summer stage for different events as well as playgrounds for children that attract visitors.

The social importance of public space as a connector of the urban landscape has been extensively discussed. Lefebvre stresses the collective right to the city as an integral part of a democratic society. The right to public space is manifested in Sweden with the Right to Public Access. However the question of accessibility is also crucial. The border effect - caused by heavily trafficked roads, large distances\ and other barriers - strongly restricts accessibility and thus limits the opportunity for residents to use the green space to its full potential. This border effect is not only physical but also mental as it reinforces the isolation effect of suburban islands that are separated from each other. Changing this condition is today widely regarded as one of the biggest challenges for planners and politicians in Stockholm.

The ideal of mixing together people of different backgrounds in the city that is described in Sandercock’s diverse ‘Cosmopolis’ that is characterised by difference coming together in the city cannot be observed in the segregated urban landscape of Stockholm (or of Auckland for that matter). While the Swedish capital as a whole has a very multi-ethnic and multicultural population a mix cannot be experienced in the urban landscape. Instead many suburbs are characterised by containing certain population groups that share the same cultural values but that have little contact to other neighbourhoods. The urban form of the city and the relationship between built-up and open space play an important role in creating this segregation effect. Therefore the social realities and the place specific characters of the suburbs such as the ethnic backgrounds need to be addressed in the planning for public life.

Jacobs’ theoretical background that looks at the smaller scale of the neighbourhood stresses the potential of quality public spaces to not only provide urbanity but also to bind different neighbourhoods together. A vibrant public life that is shaped by the residents is needed to fulfil this purpose. What is needed as a prerequisite is good accessibility as well as meeting places. This is a major shortcoming in parts of Auckland that were urbanised post World War II. The function of public space thus needs to work not only against the disconnected urban landscape in spatial terms, but also in social terms. A more multicultural society can be fostered by the coming together of diverse groups of people and shared uses in the public arena. Furthermore, as Zukin stresses public space should be inclusionary, meaning that all groups of people should play an active role in making use of and shaping the space.

Grahn, P. (1991) “Framtidens Parker: Parker att Utvecklas i.” In: G.Sorte, J.Grahn, P.Grahn (eds) ”Framtidens parker!” Stad and Land, no.91.
Grahn, P. & Sorte, J. (1985) ”Hur används parken? Om organiserade gruppers bruk av grönområden, del 1.” (“How is the park being used? A survey on organised groups usage of public green areas, part 1”). Stad and Land, no.39.
Jacobs, J. (1961) The Death and Life of Great American Cities. Pimlico, London.
Lefebvre, H. (1996) Writings on Cities. Blackwell Publishers, Ltd, Oxford. Translated by E.Kaufman and E.Lebas. Original: H.Lefebvre (1980) Le Droit à la Ville.
Lefebvre, H. (2002) Critique of Everyday Life: Foundations for a Sociology of the Everyday, vol.II. Verso, London. Translated by J.Moore. Original: H.Lefebvre (1961) Critique de la vie quotidienne II, Fondements d'une sociologie de la quotidienneté.
Zukin, S. (1995) “Whose Culture? Whose City?” In: LeGates, R.T. and Stout, F. (eds) (2003) The City Reader. Routledge, London.

And to finish, a few pictures of other - less green - public spaces in Stockholm.


This public space is an interesting design approach to the urban design problem Auckland has with Aotea Square. Imagine removing most of the first parking level. Take the lid off. Develop active edges with small cafes and boutique shops. Grand steps to the ground level. Retaining 4 or 5 levels of parking below. Create an active human scale space that attracts people.




No comments:

Thursday, November 6, 2014

Stockholm: Liveability and Public Space


This is a typical park square in densely populated Sodermalm, Stockholm. It is surrounded by four or five stories of housing. I was taken by these parks, their regular disposition through the city, their retention of natural landscape features of granite surfaces smoothed by glacial action, the casual presence of a heritage building (in this case a church), the presence of sculpture, incorporation of places to sit and walk for elderly locals, and integration with playgrounds and play equipment for pre-school children.

This is a google streetview image of the local streetscape looking North.
The same park from the same viewpoint, looking west.  What I was struck by was the way Stockholm's planners provided for green space throughout the city fabric distinct from squares and other less green public spaces, and by the deliberate attention to the needs of different parts of the community. The rest of this blog posting considers the findings of recent investigations carried out by Stockholm planning researchers.

The importance of green spaces to the wellbeing of people in the city and the ecological values they carry are widely recognised in the field of urban and regional planning - internationally. At the same time vast open spaces can also be a challenge to planners since they provide an obstacle for an integrated urban development - because they can separate copmmunities. In light of the expected population growth and expanding urbanisation of the city (in Auckland - and in many western cities) the desire to build a dense and compact urban form to avoid sprawl requires a new vision for how green spaces should be treated. Integrating the social values of meeting places in the public spaces and the ecological values are paramount in this development. Various researchers have investigated this conflict, looking for solutions for a new integrated way of thinking that address the uses and values of green spaces in the city. Research findings suggest that accessibility to this public space is paramount and must be improved to provide an environment for social interaction.

The public square, as investigated by Zukin, Jacobs and others, has the primary function of bringing citizens together in the urban arena.

Green spaces in Sweden and other Nordic countries play a significant role in the planning process, more so than in continental Europe where cities and regions are generally more densely developed. The strong identification with nature is manifested in the Swedish Right to Public Access (Allemansrätten) which is a law that entitles anyone the right to access public land, meaning that land can be owned but is not private. Consequently there is a vast literature in Swedish that has discussed the use values of green areas, first and foremost by Ulla Berglund and Patrik Grahn. As Grahn points out, people have a physical and psychological need for green space, allowing not only for outdoor activities but also for spontaneous public contact while Berglund and Jergeby assess that in Sweden green spaces are generally the most popular places of social contact, casual encounters and meetings (places to walk the dog). Furthermore, findings from their research conclude that people define the city or the town not only as the built-up area but also include everyday spaces such as forests, the outdoors, and green spaces.

Due to these social and ecological values, Grahn and Sorte (1985) put forward the argument that a fair assessment and evaluation of how green spaces are used before designing parks and exploiting the landscape is necessary. One important aspect to consider is how different groups take advantage of open green spaces as certain age groups use parks in different ways at different times. In Grahn and Sorte’s study on how different groups use greenery the authors find that nature-style parks are generally the most popular amongst all groups, while more generally a higher need for a dense network of city parks in bigger towns is necessary to avoid long distances and promote healthier lifestyles. This would be beneficial especially to physically disadvantaged groups such as the elderly or the disabled.

Zukin criticises the exclusion of certain groups in public space. Safety plays an important role in this discussions, and the empirical findings show that safety is a major concern for residents. To allow for a safer environment all population groups have to be considered to avoid conflict. Meeting places and attractors should thus serve children, teenagers, families and elderly and allow for diverse uses. These could include a swimming pool, a summer stage for different events as well as playgrounds for children that attract visitors.

The social importance of public space as a connector of the urban landscape has been extensively discussed. Lefebvre stresses the collective right to the city as an integral part of a democratic society. The right to public space is manifested in Sweden with the Right to Public Access. However the question of accessibility is also crucial. The border effect - caused by heavily trafficked roads, large distances\ and other barriers - strongly restricts accessibility and thus limits the opportunity for residents to use the green space to its full potential. This border effect is not only physical but also mental as it reinforces the isolation effect of suburban islands that are separated from each other. Changing this condition is today widely regarded as one of the biggest challenges for planners and politicians in Stockholm.

The ideal of mixing together people of different backgrounds in the city that is described in Sandercock’s diverse ‘Cosmopolis’ that is characterised by difference coming together in the city cannot be observed in the segregated urban landscape of Stockholm (or of Auckland for that matter). While the Swedish capital as a whole has a very multi-ethnic and multicultural population a mix cannot be experienced in the urban landscape. Instead many suburbs are characterised by containing certain population groups that share the same cultural values but that have little contact to other neighbourhoods. The urban form of the city and the relationship between built-up and open space play an important role in creating this segregation effect. Therefore the social realities and the place specific characters of the suburbs such as the ethnic backgrounds need to be addressed in the planning for public life.

Jacobs’ theoretical background that looks at the smaller scale of the neighbourhood stresses the potential of quality public spaces to not only provide urbanity but also to bind different neighbourhoods together. A vibrant public life that is shaped by the residents is needed to fulfil this purpose. What is needed as a prerequisite is good accessibility as well as meeting places. This is a major shortcoming in parts of Auckland that were urbanised post World War II. The function of public space thus needs to work not only against the disconnected urban landscape in spatial terms, but also in social terms. A more multicultural society can be fostered by the coming together of diverse groups of people and shared uses in the public arena. Furthermore, as Zukin stresses public space should be inclusionary, meaning that all groups of people should play an active role in making use of and shaping the space.

Grahn, P. (1991) “Framtidens Parker: Parker att Utvecklas i.” In: G.Sorte, J.Grahn, P.Grahn (eds) ”Framtidens parker!” Stad and Land, no.91.
Grahn, P. & Sorte, J. (1985) ”Hur används parken? Om organiserade gruppers bruk av grönområden, del 1.” (“How is the park being used? A survey on organised groups usage of public green areas, part 1”). Stad and Land, no.39.
Jacobs, J. (1961) The Death and Life of Great American Cities. Pimlico, London.
Lefebvre, H. (1996) Writings on Cities. Blackwell Publishers, Ltd, Oxford. Translated by E.Kaufman and E.Lebas. Original: H.Lefebvre (1980) Le Droit à la Ville.
Lefebvre, H. (2002) Critique of Everyday Life: Foundations for a Sociology of the Everyday, vol.II. Verso, London. Translated by J.Moore. Original: H.Lefebvre (1961) Critique de la vie quotidienne II, Fondements d'une sociologie de la quotidienneté.
Zukin, S. (1995) “Whose Culture? Whose City?” In: LeGates, R.T. and Stout, F. (eds) (2003) The City Reader. Routledge, London.

And to finish, a few pictures of other - less green - public spaces in Stockholm.


This public space is an interesting design approach to the urban design problem Auckland has with Aotea Square. Imagine removing most of the first parking level. Take the lid off. Develop active edges with small cafes and boutique shops. Grand steps to the ground level. Retaining 4 or 5 levels of parking below. Create an active human scale space that attracts people.




No comments: